your ancient duchy of Normandy which (with God's blessing, and under the conduct of those gallant gentlemen your majesty has been pleased lately to send to command over us) we will defend and secure against all attempts whatsoever; so prostrating ourselves at your majesty's feet with all humility, we subscribe ourselves, &c., &c."

In fact, it is clear that, during the whole decennium, internal faction ran high in Guernsey; and that, when we turn our attention from the nobler transactions between the two primary parties to the details of individual biography, we find both intestine dissension and constitutional disturbance.

In the Restoration, we get a decided historical landmark: for the reign of Charles II. was marked by no events of importance. As in Great Britain in general, the material interests of the country flourished: and, though Jersey had more especially favoured the royal cause, and, on two occasions, served as a refuge to the king, Guernsey, where his cause had been opposed, met with equal favour. The explanation of the decided difference of political feeling, as shown by the two islands, is impossible for an English, and difficult for a native, historian. Probably, if, at the beginning of the civil war, the votes of the two islands could have been polled, there was much greater equality than was shown by the events of the subsequent history. That there was a party in Jersey hostile to Sir George Carteret at least is shown by the complaint against him; a complaint laid before the London, not before the Oxford, parliament. That there was a royalist party in Guernsey is shown in more than one narrative.

The personal influence of individuals seems, to an unbiassed looker-on, to have had much to do with the turn matters took. Sir George Carteret was a Jerseyman, and one of a powerful Jersey family. The parliamentarian feeling of the Guernseymen seems to have been determined by the Carys, De Beauvoirs, and similar influential families. Deeper reasons than this may easily be; but they are not very visible ones.

A second visit of Charles to Jersey has been alluded to. It took place two years after the first. The details of it are more obscure than those of the first; and they were less important. That that island deserved well of the king, and his party, is beyond doubt. There were few other places where he could have been equally safe. In Holland he would have been under the watchful eye of the prince of Orange: in France, there is more than sufficient evidence to show that Mazarin, at least, was capable of intriguing with the parliament.

During the short reign of James II., little that affected any of the islands took place. That the will on the part of the king to make proselytes to his own religion, under the plea of toleration, was by no means wanting, is clear. The governors were Roman Catholics, and the majority of the soldiers the same. Mass was performed. The organization of the troops was improved. What might have happened had the reign been prolonged is a matter of speculation. As soon as it was heard that the Prince of Orange had landed at Torbay, the authorities acted with laudable promptitude, and anticipated anything that might have been expected from the partizans of James. With the accession, however, of William III., a new division in the history of the islands begins.

A rough measure of their industry is got from a grant made by James of wool for the manufacture of stockings. To Jersey, four thousand; to Guernsey, two thousand; to Alderney, four . hundred ; and to Sark, two hundred tods of wool a year were allowed. They were to be shipped from Southampton. The difference between the two allowances suggests the difference, in respect to one manufacture at least, between Jersey and Guernsey.

CHAPTER XVII.

MODERN HISTORY-FROM THE ACCESSION OF

WILLIAM III. TO THE PRESENT TIME.

THE first four years of the reign of William III. were years of anxiety and watchfulness to the islanders rather than danger or distress. There was in every island a Jacobite minority, though a small one. There was the notion afloat that, for French support, the first price that would be asked would be cession of the islands. More than this, the French navy was never in a more effective state than at this time; and one of the ablest of the French admirals, Tourville, was in command of it. On the side of England, there was only Torrington, eminent for his incompetence, to oppose him. The result was the French victory off Beachy Head, and the peril to the very soil of England that followed it. The great victory, however, of La Hogue, in the following year, brought security, and with it went out the last sparks of Jacobitism.

The great event of William's reign, so far as the islands are concerned, belongs to commercial rather than to political history, -the abolition of the privilege of neutrality. When it began

has already been stated. The following charter shows what it was under Henry VI. :—

"Henry, by the grace of God, king of England and France, and lord of 1reland; to all those to whom these presents shall come, greeting. We have seen the letters patent of the lord Richard, late king of England, the second after the Conquest, made in these words :-Richard, by the grace of God, king of England and France, and lord of Ireland, to all those to whom these letters shall come, greeting: know ye, that we, considering the good behaviour and fidelity which we have found from day to day in our liege and faithful nations and communities of our islands of Guernsey, Jersey, Sark, and Alderney, have, of our special grace, for ourselves and heirs, as far as in us lies, granted to the said nations and communities that they, and their successors, shall for ever be free and acquitted in all our cities, boroughs, markets, and trading towns, fairs, mart towns, and other places and harbours, within our kingdom of England, from all sorts of tolls, exactions, and customs, in the same manner as our faithful and liege are in our kingdom aforesaid; provided, however, that our said nations and communities, and their heirs aforesaid, shall well and faithfully behave themselves towards us, and our heirs aforesaid, for ever."

The following is what it was under Elizabeth:

"And whereas some other privileges, immunities, liberties, and franchises were graciously given, granted, and confirmed from time immemorial by our progenitors and predecessors, formerly kings of England and dukes of Normandy, and others, to the said islanders, and which have been used and observed constantly in the said islands and other maritime places; one whereof is, that in time of war the merchants of all nations, whether aliens, friends, or enemies, could and might freely, lawfully, and without danger or punishment, frequent the said islands and maritime places with their ships, merchandise, and goods, as well to avoid storms as there to conclude or finish their lawful business, come to, resort unto, go to and fro, and frequent the same, and there exercise their free commerce, trade, and traffic, and afterwards securely, and without danger, remain there and depart away from thence, and return unto the same, when they think fit, without any harm, molestation or hostility whatsoever to their goods, merchandizes, or persons; and this not only within the said islands and maritime places, and all around the same, but likewise at such places and distances from the island as the sight of man goes to, or the eye of man reaches; we, by virtue of our royal authority, do for ourselves, our heirs, and successors, renew, reiterate, confirm, and graciously grant the same immunities, impunities, liberties, and privileges just now mentioned to the said bailiff, jurats, merchants and others, whether they are in war or amity

PRIVILEGE OF NEUTRALITY.

397

with us; and to all other inhabitants, aliens, or sojourners aforesaid in the said island, in as ample form and manner as heretofore they have used and enjoyed the same. In order, therefore, to prevent any violation or infraction of this, our grant, concession, and confirmation, or any thing therein contained in any matter whatsoever, we declare and give this warning, by these presents, to all our officers and subjects, which warning we order to be published in all parts of our kingdom of England, and throughout our realms and dominions under our obedience, wheresoever they lie or are situated: that if any of our said officers or subjects shall be so rash as to presume to transgress these, our strict orders and commands, we order and decree (as far as in us lies) that he shall be severely punished for his audacious contempt of our royal power and disobedience to our laws, and be compelled to make full restitution and satisfaction of all costs, interests, and damages, and be prosecuted by all due process and forms of law for the same."

William's ordinance was as follows:

"At the court of Hampton, the 8th of August, 1689; the king, prince George of Denmark, &c. Whereas, on the 30th of May last, his majesty in council was pleased to order that their majesties' proclamation, bearing date the 14th of the same month, for prohibiting the importation of any commodities of the growth or manufacture of France, should be forthwith sent to the bailiff and jurats of the islands of Jersey and Guernsey, who were thereby required to cause the said proclamation, then sent unto them, to be published, and strictly observed and put into execution. His majesty in council is this day pleased to declare that (being at this time strictly obliged in his treaties with his allies and confederates to prohibit in all his dominions all trade and commerce whatsoever with France) he does not think it fit or expedient to dispense with the execution of this said order in this present and extraordinary juncture of time; yet, it is not the intention of his majesty in any manner whatsoever to revoke or infringe upon any privileges that may have been granted by his royal predecessors to the inhabitants of the said island of Guernsey."

It was borne patiently, as well, indeed, it might be; for when the privilege of neutrality ended, the chance of privateering began. In the smooth and easy days of Queen Anne and the first two Georges, when, except for a short interval, there was nothing to fear from France, the main details of this important transition were brought about.

During the first American war, there were two abortive attempts on Jersey, or rather one under the command of an ad